Opening negotiations on a convention to prohibit the development, production, testing, stockpiling, deployment, threat and use of all nuclear weapons for all time.
Although the Cold War has ended, the stockpiles of nuclear weapons accumulated over the years of the arms race still exist, and can pose a threat in the future to our common interests. It is argued that nuclear arms dismantling toward a near complete or complete elimination of nuclear weapons be advocated and undertaken in earnest during the opportunity the post-Cold War era has presented. In order to undermine those countries with nuclear ambitions and to prevent nuclear proliferation, the nuclear powers must demonstrate a clear commitment toward nuclear disarmament and the banning of nuclear testing. This would be most effectively demonstrated by substantial nuclear weapons cuts as soon as possible.
The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty came into force in 1970. Slow and limited progress towards the objectives of curbing nuclear weapons: an early end to testing and to the nuclear arms race, drastic cuts in nuclear arsenals and ultimately general and complete disarmament, the major being the elimination of ground-based multiple warhead missiles has substantially defused the nuclear arms race by removing fear of a nuclear first strike. The USA and Russia have concluded 16 bilateral agreements providing for greater transparency and greater security.
The 1995 NPT Extension Conference provides an opportunity to further the goals of the treaty, and in particular the strategies of (a) implementing a comprehensive test ban treaty; (b) reducing nuclear arsenals, specifically by lowering the ceilings on strategic weapons holdings, the rapid elimination of all multiple warhead land- and submarine-based missiles, as well as all remaining (air-launched) tactical nuclear weapons; (c) immediately de-activating strategic nuclear delivery systems -- nuclear warheads from missiles, nuclear devices from bombers, and the removal of deployable nuclear arms from silos; (d) active promotion of nuclear free zones and/or zones free of weapons of mass destruction; (e) making nuclear weapons illegal; (f) negotiating a convention for the elimination of nuclear weapons; (g) limiting extension of the treaty; (h) requiring binding obligations of nuclear weapons states, particularly on vertical proliferation and further substantial disarmament measures; (i) requiring universal participation of states, including the members of the non-aligned movement; (j) reforming the International Atomic Energy Commission, particularly to promote greater transparency, impartiality and safeguards and to permit strengthening in the areas of inspection, verification and monitoring; (k) immediate cut-off of production and use of weapons-grade material, including plutonium, highly enriched uranium and tritium and material from dismantled warheads; and tightening control of movement of such material; (l) phasing out of nuclear reprocessing; and (m) ceasing nuclear-weapons related research and development. Most of the 169 negotiating countries want an extension of the non-proliferation treaty, preferably an indefinite extension; but some states are reluctant to commit themselves to forgoing nuclear weapons when the five declared nuclear powers keep theirs.
The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) was established 29 July 1957, on the basis of a decision of the General Assembly of the United Nations. A part of its mandate seeks to ensure nuclear technology is not used in such a way as to further any military purpose. The IAEA conducts its activities in accordance with the purposes and principles of the UN to promote peace and international cooperation, and in conformity with policies of the UN furthering the establishment of safeguarded worldwide disarmament and in conformity with any international agreements entered into pursuant to such policies. It submits reports on its activities annually to the General Assembly of the UN and, when appropriate, to the Security Council.
The InterAction Council has since its inception in 1983, addressed several priority issues, among which peace and disarmament.
"Minimum deterrence" must not be allowed to become the accepted new doctrine.
The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) is a discriminatory document. On the one hand, it defines five countries as "nuclear weapon states", failing to condemn their possession and development of nuclear weapons and exempting them from the obligation to subject their nuclear facilities and material to international inspection. On the other hand, it imposes strict controls on the "non-nuclear weapons states", with the object of preventing diversion of civil nuclear technologies and materials to military use. By assigning different rights and obligations to "haves" and "have nots", the NPT gives credence to the notion that the possession and development of nuclear weapons by a select few countries is an acceptable resolution of a global security problem. Another basic contradiction in the NTP is the promotion of nuclear energy while attempting to control military uses which are intimately related to civil nuclear technologies and materials.
In early summer 1998, a new arms race is starting between India and Pakistan. The countries that already have nuclear weapons are very quick to condemn them. But this nightmare might not be happening if the five 'official' nuclear powers—US, UK, France, China and Russia—had done the right thing long ago, and negotiated a global ban on nuclear weapons. They have a legal obligation to do this. As said by the International Court of Justice in 1996: "There exists a legal obligation to pursue in good faith and bring to a conclusion negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament in all its aspects.. " In other words, to achieve the complete abolition of nuclear weapons.